Our History

The baPhalane, like other Tswana-speaking communities, organised their society into age regiments (mephato). These were not standing armies in the European sense, but generational groups formed through initiation (bogwera). Each regiment was given a name and placed under a leader. Regiments functioned as units of mobilisation for defence, hunting, labour projects, and ceremonial duties.

Over time, especially under the influence of Christianity and mission activity, traditional initiation lodges declined. Later regiments became largely symbolic and were sometimes organised around Church confirmation rather than traditional initiation. The lists below reflect both the earlier traditional regiments and the later confirmation regiments.

Early Traditional Regiments

• Mathamaga I — initiated at Mathebeleng during the reign of Mokoke
• Moreleba I — initiated at Mathebeleng under Chief Mokoke
• Madingwana I — initiated at Mathebeleng under Chief Mokoke
• Matlhwana I — initiated at Mathebeleng
• Tfangana — initiated at Mathebeleng c. 1828
• Magasa I — associated with Mokoke II
• Mantsho I — associated with Letlape
• Matladi I — formed during the reign of Mafodi
• Maditshe — formed at Phalane
• Mangana — formed at Phalane
• Matlakana — women’s regiment

Some of these regiments are recorded as having taken part in regional conflicts, including campaigns in the late 19th century such as the Sekukuni War (1879–80). Their organisation reflects the political and military structures of the tribe during the pre-colonial and early colonial periods.

Later “Confirmation Regiments”

It is said that under the influence of Christianity, the holding of traditional initiation lodges fell into disuse at an early date. The following regiments are described as Church “confirmation regiments,” whose leaders were sometimes appointed later. These retained the naming structure of the traditional mephato but no longer functioned as military age-sets.

• Marutla
• Mabusa
• Mathamaga II
• Mareleba II
• Madingwana II
• Matlhwana II
• Mangana II
• Magasa II
• Mantsho II
• Matladi II
• Mapetlwane
• Matshela
• Magama
• Mantwa

Named leaders associated with these later regiments include Egmont Ramokoka, Facius Tshubisi (before 1898), Mpaku, Rabotilo, Selle, Gaotingwe Bethuel, Ramakhutle, Mafodi, Letlapa, Ramponyeng, and others.

The shift from traditional initiation regiments to church-based confirmation cohorts illustrates a significant transformation in baPhalane social organisation. While the generational naming system endured, its ritual and military functions gradually gave way to Christian institutional structures.

The political organisation of the baPhalane reflects a hereditary chieftainship supported by ranked clans (dikgoro), advisory councils, and customary assemblies. Authority is structured through lineage, clan hierarchy, and consultation.

Clan Structure (Dikgoro)

The tribe is composed of the following clans, listed in order of rank:

Some members of the Mokoka clan are recorded as residing at Tweelaagte and Schilpadnest.

Chieftainship and Council

The chieftainship is hereditary. The deputy of the chief and next in rank was Nketsing Sadrak Ramokoka.

The custom of holding a private or secret chief’s council (khuduthamaga) was still observed. This council consists of the chief’s close relatives together with selected headmen (dikgosana). It appoints a personal servant (ntona) for the chief. In former times this man was expected to belong to the same regiment as the chief and, if possible, to be the son of the previous ntona.

The broader council administering law and public affairs was composed of the headmen (dikgosana). After matters have been discussed by this council, the tribe may be summoned to a general assembly (pitso) in which all tribesmen may express their views. There was no tribal secretary.

Tribute and Land Administration

No tribute is received from the branch of the tribe formerly residing in the Marico district. Tribute was, however, received from sections of the tribe living in the Pilanesberg and Rustenburg districts.

It was customary for workers returning from prolonged employment in town to “greet” the chief with a monetary gift (traditionally 10 shillings).

Fields are allocated by a land committee composed of three men.

Marriage among the baPhalane was regulated through customary law, with bridewealth (bogadi) remaining a central institution among both Christians and non-Christians.

Bridewealth (Bogadi)

Bogadi is still given in the form of cattle. As a rule, the full amount must be transferred before the marriage is finalised. The average amount was four to five head of cattle.

The bridegroom’s father offers a number of cattle, and his mother’s brother (malome) may contribute one animal. Correspondingly, the bride’s mother’s brother receives one animal from the bogadi.

Marriage Patterns

Cross-cousin marriage remains preferential. If a marriage remains without issue, this no longer entitled the husband to claim a substitute wife (seantlo), indicating a shift from earlier custom.

It was, however, customary for a man to support his brother’s widow (motlholagadi) and her children.

Social Concerns and Regulation

A general complaint was recorded regarding the increase in illegitimate births. If the father of such a child was a member of the tribe, he is fined one cow by the chief.

Polygamy was reported to no longer occur.

The grave of the old chief Moatshe is located near or on the mountain Ramoloreng. Because of this association, the mountain is regarded as a sacred place.

Prayers for rain are conducted there, indicating the continued importance of ancestral authority and sacred geography in the spiritual life of the tribe.

Sacred Sites

While the mountain Ramoloreng is considered sacred, sacred trees are apparently not recognised in the same way within this community.

Witchcraft and Divination

There remains a widespread fear of witchcraft. Many people consult diviners when misfortune, illness, or unexplained events occur.

Some of these diviners appeared to travel widely throughout the Tswana areas and into the towns.

Although complaints are made that many of them possess little genuine knowledge, belief in the efficacy of certain traditional medicines was strong.

Churches

The large majority of the tribe, estimated at approximately ninety percent, were said to have been Christians. Most were members of the Hermannsburg Lutheran Mission.

The Mission maintained a church building and a resident African minister at Phalane. The African Methodist Episcopal Church and the Pentecostal Holiness Church each had a small number of members and a Native minister.

Phalane also functioned as an outstation of the Methodist Church of South Africa.

Schools

There was one government-aided school offering classes up to Standard VI, with a staff of five teachers serving approximately 370 children. An additional sixth teacher was paid by the tribe.

Other schools operated at Tweelaagte, where three teachers instructed approximately 170 children, and at Nooitgedacht, where five teachers offered classes up to Standard VI.

It was estimated that about three quarters of the children of school-going age actually attended school. No youth organisation was reported at the time.

At the time of recording, the tribe was distributed across several settlements:

• Phalane on Ramakokaskraal
• Bojating on Elandsfontein
• Mmamodimokwana on Schilpadnest
• Module on Vogelstruisnek
• Ratumuga on Tweelaagte
• Tlhatlaganyane on Ruighoek
• Kwa Padi on Haakdoornbult
• Makgopaneng on Rhenosterspruit
• Rankelenyane on Nooitgedacht

Maile wa Phalane was the Phalane settlement located on Roodekraalspruit.

Village Layout and Architecture

The individual homesteads lay fairly close together, forming compact village groupings.

Rectangular huts predominated. As a rule, roofs were thatched, although corrugated iron roofing was occasionally observed.

Cattle kraals were usually situated on the outskirts of the village.

Besides everyday European household utensils and simple furniture, locally made Tswana utensils were still found in most homesteads.

These included:

• Pots, some of which were bought from other tribes
• Numerous mortars (kika) and pestles
• Sitting, sleeping, and eating mats (legogo, moseme)
• Beer-strainers
• Baskets (tlatlana) and winnowing baskets (leselo)
• Wooden spoons (mafyana)

Wooden dishes (mogopo) were no longer in use, and grass granaries (sesigo) had also fallen out of practice.

Tribal marks were no longer visible among the people. Almost all members of the tribe wore European clothes, shoes, hats, and caps.

The only items of traditional attire that remained were:

• Sandals, worn by elderly men
• Baby slings (thari) made from goat-skin
• A few small karosses and fur caps

The baPhalane kept cattle that were a cross between Afrikaner and Native types. Families who did not own cattle were occasionally lent a few animals, a practice known as go fisa.

According to the agricultural census of 1949, the number of cattle, sheep, and goats owned by the tribe was as follows:

In the 1950 agricultural census, additional livestock items were enumerated, but only totals were shown for the above-mentioned farms. These included cows, calves, bulls, oxen, total cattle, mules, horses, donkeys, sheep, goats, pigs, and poultry. On the tribal land, there were 84 cattle units (C.U.) per square mile, which exceeded the recommended density of 8 morgen per cattle unit.

It was difficult to calculate cattle units per 100 population because livestock from different tribes were not separated on Trust farms. On the tribal land itself, the tribe had 84 C.U. per 100 persons.

The major cattle diseases recorded were black quarter, anthrax (rare), a liver disease affecting calves called sebete, and bile (sabotlokwe). A disease called tlhakwana, affecting goats, could not be identified, while another internal disease called ntsotwane occurred only occasionally.

Land Tenure and Fields

The lands were clearly demarcated. A young man received his first field from his father and was allocated additional land upon marriage. Many men cultivated two or three fields situated in different parts of the tribal area.

The soil appeared fertile, and nearly all valleys within the tribal territory were ploughed.

Main Crops

The principal crops cultivated were maize (mmopo), sorghum or kaffircorn (mabele), and beans (dinawa).

Maize Varieties

• Hickory King (white maize)
• Red-ootlali maize with white seeds
• Botman (widely grown)
• Small quantities of yellow maize

Sorghum Varieties

• Mokgatla wa kubu
• Mantsakane (preferred when rains came late)
• Segaolane
• Sekamfokane (rarely grown)
• Mabele a masweu (favoured variety)
• Mohibitswane
• Mapepe
• Mosetlha (a favourite, related to mantsakane)
• Mamafosa
• Nilane (grown less frequently)

The varieties lethejane and lebelebele (kokolwane) were not grown.

Sweet Cane (Ntswe)

• Mongatane (matured in three months)
• Nketsane (bent ears, matured in 2–3 months)
• A slow-growing unnamed variety

The frost- and drought-resistant Klipkuil strains and Rondekop varieties were disliked.

Beans and Other Crops

• Moraratshane (identical with nyola)
• Mokgalo
• Groundnuts
• Mung beans (ditlhodi)
• Jugo beans (ditloo)

Some families produced five to six bags of mung beans per year and four to five bags of jugo beans. Various pumpkins and melons were interplanted with maize.

Agricultural Production (Census Data)

According to the agricultural census of 1949, total production amounted to:

• Maize: 208 bags
• Sorghum: 439 bags

The total production recorded in the 1949 and 1950 agricultural censuses showed fluctuations in maize and sorghum yields, as well as beans and cultivated acreage. Citrus trees were also recorded in limited numbers.

Agricultural Implements (1950 Census)

• Single-furrow ploughs: 223
• Double-furrow ploughs: 124
• Harrows: 75
• Cultivators: 1
• Planters: 2
• Wagons: 83
• Carts: 67
• Sledges: 128

Compared with other tribes of this area and the neighbouring district, the tribe did not appear to be badly off. The Phalane sections in the Rustenburg district could even be described as relatively prosperous.

Some members of the community worked on European-owned farms, particularly women during the weeding and reaping seasons. Labour migration occurred on approximately the same scale as among neighbouring tribes.

Only a small number of families were in a position to sell a surplus of sorghum. Most agricultural production was intended for household consumption rather than for commercial exchange.

There was one shop within the tribal area, operated by a Native trader, which served the local population.

Although there was a clinic within the location, no nurse was stationed there. The nearest hospital was situated at Saulspoort.

Drinking water was drawn primarily from a borehole, while a second borehole was under construction at the time. In addition, water was obtained from wells.

General health conditions are described in paragraphs 110–114 of the original report.

In the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, the traditional governance of the baPhalane experienced significant internal disputes and legal challenges regarding chieftainship, leadership recognition, and customary authority.

A notable matter concerned the dispute over the rightful chieftaincy. In the case:Ramokoka and Another v Ramokoka and Others (2013).

Another major legal matter was:Baphalane ba Ramokoka Community v Mphela Family and Others (2011), which reached the Constitutional Court. The community sought rescission of an earlier land rights judgment in which the Mphela family’s claim was upheld. The Constitutional Court refused to rescind or expunge the earlier order and refused relief, affirming that access to courts must be respected even in complex restitution disputes.

These disputes illustrate how historical leadership structures intersected with South Africa’s constitutional and statutory framework after 1994, leading to complex legal processes involving customary law, governance structures, and property rights.

Documentary Sources

The following videos provide recent documentary material reflecting community responses, protests, and local engagement with political and traditional authority issues.

Together, the legal disputes and recorded community responses illustrate recent historical tensions within the tribe regarding leadership succession, legitimacy, and the interface between customary authority and formal constitutional legal processes.